THREE MYTHS OF FX MARKET
INTERVENTION
yth 1: JCK intervene because they are mercantilists
Mercantilism
originated from the belief under the precious-metal-based monetary regime that
deflation, often coupled with economic contraction, would follow fund outflows
resulting from a trade deficit, and thus, trade surplus is always better than
trade deficit. Even today, with
increasing international capital flows and trade integration under fiat money,
people in many countries-not only JCK-still tend to favor trade surplus to
deficit. However, the primary
policy goal of JCK is not to achieve a trade surplus as the classical
mercantilism would dictate.
This
is particularly true (maybe also confusing) in the case of China. In our view, China should not be
labeled as pursuing a mercantilist foreign exchange policy. Granted, the U.S. is running the
biggest bilateral trade deficit with China among all our trading partners. However, China's overall trade picture
is becoming much more balanced, with its trade surplus shrinking significantly
after WTO. In fact, the first four
months of 2004 all ended in deficit.
Even so, China has made it clear that it intends to "keep RMB
exchange rate stable at a reasonable and equilibrium level" in the
foreseeable future.
Korea
had a long history of trade deficits starting from 1960 and lasting to the
mid-1990s. The chief causes are
capital and intermediate goods imports in the course of a rapid economic
expansion. This was reversed only after the 1997-98 financial crisis. As Korea experienced knee-crunching adjustments
to domestic demand, accumulating foreign reserves became a top priority in the
near term. However, we don't think
mercantilism gives an accurate description of the government's stance.
Japan
has suffered languishing consumption and investment for a decade. The latest
rebound since the beginning of 2003 is largely attributed to increases in
investment and exports. The latter
contributed one fourth to the 2.7 percent GDP growth in 2003. Until private consumption catches up
and deflation disappears completely, the Japanese government hopes that strong
exports will prevent the economy from stalling again.
Myth 2: JCK intervene to smooth out volatility
Many
believe that the interventions are meant to smooth out exchange rate volatility
for the benefit of reduced risks involved in trade and investment. But if this is the major reason, one
simply would not expect JCK's intervention to be as relentless and volatile as
observed in reality. Often the
intervention seems to work to the contrary of reducing volatility.
In
Korea, it is not rare for the government to buy as much as $1 billion in a
single day-over a third of the trading volume. The Japanese government in several cases bought more than
$10 billion in one day even in the absence of any strong market pressure for
the yen to appreciate. Operations
in these magnitudes could move the daily exchange rate by as much as 2 percent
[Figure 1].
We
believe that rather than trying to smooth out volatility of exchange rate
movement per se, these interventions focus more on depleting speculators' long
positions in local currencies. JCK
authorities want to show they are the boss in the hope that speculators
"once bitten" by a massive government intervention will become
"twice shy" in moving against them. The effort to tame the market is often motivated by
not-purely-economic reasons.
Myth 3: JCK are shifting from buying dollars to buying other
reserve currencies
Although
the exact number is hard to get, it is widely believed that as much as 80 percent
of Asian foreign reserves are in dollars.
As the U.S. trade deficit hit 5 percent of GDP, many worry that Asian
countries would reallocate foreign reserve funds to have less dollar assets and
more euro or yen assets, and that the shift can cause further downward pressure
on the dollar. Some see this
already reflected in the recent appreciation of euro against dollar. However, there is no hard evidence of
such a shift.
First
of all, JCK's holding of U.S. treasury securities has continued to climb
[Figure 2]. Secondly, no decline
in their possession of securities of so-called GSEs. Third, although euro assets have gained increasing
acceptance, they are not perfect substitutes yet for dollar assets in terms of
liquidity and security.
In
Japan, one potential problem is that holding increasingly large foreign
reserves can be much more costly if interest rates rise quickly following a
recovery. In that case, it doesn't
matter whether the foreign reserves are in dollar or euro. As Japan gains more confidence in its
economy, it may scale down its dollar-buying intervention and purchase of
dollar assets. In any event, that
doesn't mean Japan will increase the euro proportion in the foreign reserves.
Korea
appears to plan on shoring up the return on its dollar holdings instead of
altering the denomination of its foreign reserve assets. The government may seek higher- yield,
albeit riskier assets. The Korean
Investment Corporation was established this year with $20 billion from foreign
reserves.
As
far as China is concerned, there has been no sign of reshuffle in reserve
currencies' holdings.
Conclusion
From
a pure economic point of view, JCK's foreign exchange policies may indeed be
inefficient and misleading.
Nonetheless, by intervening in the foreign exchange market, these
countries are acting rationally under their particular circumstances. Each country does try to maximize its
utility function, which may include many more political and social factors than
people would typically consider in a country like the U.S. Only when the cost exceeds the
perceived benefit, will JCK reduce their intervention.